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Jason Dzubow on Political Asylum

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  1. Asylum Interview Tips for Attorneys from a Former Asylum Officer

    Before founding Stilwell & Slatton, Victoria Slatton worked as an Asylum Officer at the Department of Homeland Security. As a former employee of USCIS, she has an in-depth understanding of the United States immigration system and is a passionate advocate for her clients in private practice. Her full bio can be found here.

    Contact Victoria Slatton at victoria.slatton@ssimmigrationfirm.com. To schedule a consultation with an immigration attorney at Stilwell & Slatton, visit our website.


    Victoria Slatton

    Itís been a year since I left my former position as an asylum officer and switched to private practice. As a former officer, sometimes it's hard for me to balance my inherent urge to zealously advocate for my client during an asylum interview with my knowledge of how my actions will be perceived by an asylum officer. To address these concerns, Iíve compiled a very basic list of information I think will be helpful for attorneys during an asylum interview.

    1. Go Over the I-589 With Your Client Before the Interview

    Every officer has her own way of handling I-589 updates, but I personally preferred it when attorneys had changes to the I-589 already written out and ready for me to go over. You donít have to redo the entire document. Instead, simply type up the changes in an organized Word document and respectfully ask whether the officer would like a written update to help subsidize their I-589 review. Some might say no, but others will be very grateful.

    This was helpful to me for two reasons. First, it showed me that the applicant wanted to be upfront about the mistakes in his claim and had every intention of being forthcoming. Second, it saved me time, in that I did not have to ask repeatedly how to spell names of family members, addresses, or seek clarification from applicants over specific dates that might be confusing. Especially if your client has an interpreter, written updates could easily save an officer a precious 20 or 30 minutes in an interview. I was always grateful when attorneys took every step to respect my time.

    2. The Interview is About Your Client

    It is very frustrating to sit back and watch your client struggle to answer a question he doesnít understand, especially when you know he has a perfectly reasonable explanation and simply cannot communicate his response due to nerves or a language barrier. However, interjecting yourself into your clientís testimony to clear up a discrepancy is generally not going to do your client any favors.

    Officers almost never factor in attorney interjections when making a decision, and sometimes it can prevent your client from saying what the officer needs to get on record. When I handed my supervisor my interview notes, I wanted it to be clear that the applicant was forthcoming in his responses and understood my questions, not the attorney. Unless a conversation is truly going off the rails and you feel it is necessary to recenter the discussion for the sake of your client, I would highly suggest saving these remarks for your closing argument.

    3. Have a Copy of Your Clientís Evidence in Front of You

    One of the few times you should interject in an interview is if the officer asked for evidence that has already been submitted. Officers donít always have time to review the file in depth before an interview, and might not truly understand the nature of everything that has been submitted. Therefore, if your client is asked a question about why a certain piece of evidence wasnít brought forth, it is very helpful and appropriate to respectfully direct the officer to the exhibit in question.

    4. Make Your Closing Argument Short and Concise

    Generally speaking, for an asylum officer, the closing statement will probably be the least important piece of information in the record. Officers understand the nature of zealous advocacy and know that you will already have an inherent bias to protect your client. Now that Iím in private practice, I try to keep my closing argument to under three minutes and maintain a level of respect for my officer, even if the interview has been particularly frustrating.

    I usually use this time to address inconsistencies in my clientís testimony and to explain how I think the client either misunderstood the question or point to pieces of evidence that might help the officer paint a clear picture of what happened. For example, I recently had a client who stumbled over his timeline and incorrectly quoted a few dates. The officer questioned these discrepancies and I kindly explained at the end of the interview that my client used a different calendar in his home country and often became confused when recalling the specifics of his timeline.

    Lastly, I will make a short statement about why my client meets the definition of a refugee. I try to keep this to a thirty second monologue. Closing statements are an art, not a science, and I tend to focus on different legal aspects depending on the case. It is important to remember that not every legal aspect of the case needs to be defended at this point in the interview.

    Originally posted on the Asylumist: www.Asylumist.com.
    Tags: asylum Add / Edit Tags
  2. Disingenuous State Department Report Seeks to Block Refugee Women

    The 2017 State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices is out, and the news is not good. The Report makes clear that the Department of State ("DOS") has joined our government's effort to block asylum seekers by any means necessary--including undermining their claims by lying about conditions in the home countries.


    A lie is a lie, no matter how many times they try to tell you otherwise.


    Let's start with a bit about the Report itself. Each year, the State Department issues a human rights report for every country in the world. Information in the Report is gleaned from U.S. diplomats "in country," and from other sources. The U.S. government uses the Reports in various ways, including to help evaluate asylum cases. So when a Report indicates that country conditions are safe, it becomes more difficult for asylum seekers to succeed with their claims.

    There have always been issues with these Reports. From the point of view of advocates like me, the Reports sometimes minimize a country's human rights problems. When that happens, we can submit other evidence--NGO reports, expert witness reports, news articles--to show that our clients face danger despite the optimistic picture painted by the DOS Report. But the fact is, whatever other evidence we submit, the DOS Report carries a lot of weight. It's certainly not impossible to win an asylum case where the Report is not supportive, but it is more difficult. I imagine that's doubly true for pro se asylum applicants, who might not be aware of the Report, and might not submit country condition information to overcome it.

    That's why this year's DOS Report is so disappointing, especially with regards to certain populations. The group I am concerned with today is female asylum seekers from the Northern Triangle (El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras). Countries in the Northern Triangle are very dangerous for women. As a result, many women from this region have come to the United States in search of protection.

    Over the past two decades, the U.S. government has grudgingly recognized that some such women meet the definition of refugee. But even so, it is still very difficult for most such women--especially if they are unrepresented--to navigate the convoluted path to asylum.

    The Trump Administration is working on several fronts to make it even more difficult for women from the Northern Triangle to obtain asylum. For one thing, the Attorney General seems to be reconsidering precedential case law that has cracked open the door for female asylum seekers. He is also moving to charge some "illegal border crossers" with crimes (though it is legal to seek asylum at a port of entry). And now, the 2017 DOS Report is undercutting the factual basis for such claims by whitewashing the dangerous conditions faced by women in Central America.

    Just looking at some basic statistics, it's obvious that something is up. The below chart compares the number of words in the "Women" portions of the 2016 and 2017 DOS Reports for Northern Triangle countries. In each case, the length of the Women's section has been dramatically reduced:


    Country 2016 Report 2017 Report % Reduction
    El Salvador 1364 423 69%
    Guatemala 1212 283 77%
    Honduras 1235 365 70%


    As you can see, the "Women" sections of the 2017 Reports are more than 2/3 shorter than in the 2016 Reports. But numbers alone tell only part of the story. Let's look at some of what the DOS has eliminated from the 2017 Report in the sub-section called "Rape and Domestic Violence" (and, by the way, DOS has entirely eliminated the portion of the Report devoted to "Reproductive Rights," but that's a story for another day). The Report for Honduras is typical, and so we'll use that as an example.

    The 2017 Report for Honduras states:

    The law criminalizes all forms of rape of men or women, including spousal rape. The government considers rape a crime of public concern, and the state prosecutes rapists even if victims do not press charges. The penalties for rape range from three to nine yearsí imprisonment, and the courts enforced these penalties.

    Sounds pretty good, aye? The government of Honduras seems to be prosecuting rapists, including spouse-rapists, and the penalties for rape are significant. But here are a few lines from the 2016 Report that didn't make it into the most recent version:

    Violence against women and impunity for perpetrators continued to be a serious problem.... Rape was a serious and pervasive societal problem. The law criminalizes all forms of rape, including spousal rape. The government considers rape a crime of public concern, and the state prosecutes rapists even if victims do not press charges. Prosecutors treat accusations of spousal rape somewhat differently, however, and evaluate such charges on a case-by-case basis.... Violence between domestic and intimate partners continued to be widespread.... In March 2015 the UN special rapporteur on violence against women expressed concern that most women in the country remained marginalized, discriminated against, and at high risk of being subjected to human rights violations, including violence and violations of their sexual and reproductive rights....

    So basically what we have is this: The 2017 Report is not a human rights report at all. Rather, it is a report on the state of the law in Honduras. Of course, when the law is not enforced and persecutors enjoy impunity (as indicated in the 2016 Report), laws on the books are not so relevant (and it's really quite a bit worse than what I've indicated here, since the 2016 Report already minimized the violent environment in Honduras--for this reason, in our cases, we often rely on the more honest U.S. Travel Advisory and the OSAC Crime & Safety Report, both created by DOS for U.S. citizens traveling abroad).

    How this new Report will impact asylum seekers, we don't yet know. At a minimum, people will need to supplement their applications with evidence to overcome the rosy picture painted by the DOS Report, and for those asylum seekers who are unable to obtain such evidence, the likelihood of a successful outcome is further reduced.

    I've said this before, and I will say it again here: What bother's me most about the Trump Administration's efforts to block asylum seekers is not that they are making it more difficult to obtain protection--they were elected on a restrictionist platform and they are doing what they said they would do. What bother's me most is the blatant dishonesty of this Administration, and now of the State Department. If you want to reject female asylum seekers, reject them honestly. Don't pretend that they are economic migrants and that you are returning them to safe places. At least have the decency to tell them--and the American people--that you are returning them to countries where they face extreme danger and death.

    Frankly, there's nothing too surprising about the new DOS Report. President Trump has made his views on refugees and on women quite clear. But what's so sad is that the Report represents further evidence that the Administration's lies have infected yet another esteemed government institution. Not only is this Report bad for asylum seekers, it's bad for the State Department, which is now complicit in the Administration's mendacity. Indeed, I can't help but think that the fate of these asylum seekers is inextricably tied to the fate of the DOS, and the new Report doesn't bode well for either of them.

    Special thanks to Attorney Joanna Gaughan for the idea for this piece. Ms. Gaughan works for the Farrell Law Group in Raleigh, NC. Her practice focuses largely on asylum cases, and she can be reached at joanna.m.gaughan@gmail.com.

    Originally posted on the Asylumist: www.Asylumist.com.

    Updated 05-02-2018 at 10:09 AM by JDzubow

    Tags: asylum, dos, women Add / Edit Tags
  3. The What and the Why of Torture Convention Relief

    When a person applies for asylum, she generally seeks three different types of relief: Asylum, Withholding of Removal under INA ß 241(b)(3), and relief under the United Nations Convention Against Torture.


    CAT WOR

    Of the three, asylum is the best--if you win asylum, you can remain permanently in the United States, you can get a travel document, you can petition to bring certain immediate family members to the U.S., and you can eventually get a green card and become a U.S. citizen.

    But some poor souls do not qualify for asylum. Perhaps they filed too late, or maybe they are barred due to a criminal conviction or for some other reason. Such people may still be eligible for Withholding of Removal ("WOR") under INA ß 241(b)(3) or relief under the United Nations Convention Against Torture ("CAT"). I've written previously about the benefits (or lack thereof) of WOR. Today I want to discuss CAT: Who qualifies for CAT? How does it differ from asylum and WOR? What are its benefits?

    To qualify for CAT, you need to show that it is "more likely than not" that you will face torture at the hands of your home government or by a non-state actor with the consent or acquiescence of the home government. If you fear harm from a terrorist group, for example, you likely cannot qualify for CAT, unless the group is controlled by the government or acting with government sanction.

    Of the applicants who fear torture, there are basically two categories of people who receive CAT: (1) Those who are ineligible for other relief (asylum or WOR) because there is no "nexus" between the feared harm and a protected ground, and (2) Those ineligible for other relief because of a criminal conviction.

    Let's talk about nexus first. "Nexus" is a fancy word for "connection." There has to be a nexus between the feared persecution and a protected ground. An alien may receive asylum or WOR only if she fears persecution on account of race, religion, nationality, political opinion or particular social group. In other words, if you fear that you will be harmed in your home country because someone hates your political opinion, you can receive asylum. If you fear harm because someone wants to steal your money, you probably don't qualify for asylum, since common crimes do not generally fall within a protected category (I've written a critique about the whole nexus thing here).

    In my practice, we sometimes encounter the nexus issue in cases from Eritrea. That country has a form of national service that is akin to slavery. People who try to escape are punished severely. However, fleeing national service does not easily fit into a protected category, and thus many Eritreans who face persecution for this reason cannot qualify for asylum or WOR. Such people are eligible for CAT, however, since the harm is perpetrated by the government and constitutes torture.

    Now let's discuss the other group that sometimes receives CAT--people with criminal convictions. Some crimes are so serious under the Immigration and Nationality Act ("INA") that they bar a person from asylum or WOR. For example, if you murder someone, you can pretty much forget about asylum or WOR. Drug crimes are also taken very seriously by the INA, as are domestic violence offenses. In fact, there is a whole area of law--dubbed "crimmigration"--that deals with the immigration consequences of criminal behavior. Suffice it to say that certain convictions will block you from asylum and/or WOR, and it is not always intuitive which crimes are considered the most serious under the immigration law.

    If you are ineligible for asylum or WOR due to a conviction, you will not be barred from CAT. The United States has signed and ratified the CAT, which basically says that we will not return a person to a country where she faces torture. So even the worst criminals may qualify for CAT relief.

    So what do you get if you are granted CAT?

    There are two sub-categories of CAT: Withholding of Removal under the CAT (which is different from WOR under INA ß 241(b)(3)) and Deferral of Removal under the CAT. This means that the Immigration Judge will order the alien deported, but will "withhold" or "defer" removal to the country of feared torture. Of the two types of relief, Withholding is the more stable status. It is granted to people who do not qualify for asylum or CAT due to a nexus problem. It is also available to certain criminals, but not the most serious offenders. Deferral can be granted to anyone who faces torture in the home country, regardless of the person's criminal history. Deferral is--theoretically at least--more likely to be revoked if conditions in the home country change. In practical terms, however, there is not much difference between the two types of CAT relief.

    For both types of CAT relief, the recipient receives an employment authorization document ("EAD") that must be renewed every year. The person cannot travel outside the U.S. and return. She cannot petition for relatives to come to the United States. She can never get a green card or become a U.S. citizen (unless she is eligible for the green card some other way).

    CAT beneficiaries who are detained are not necessarily released. If the U.S. government believes that the person is a danger to the community or security of the United States, she can be kept in detention forever (in practical terms, this is pretty rare, but it is certainly possible).

    Also, sometimes ICE harassers CAT (and WOR) beneficiaries by ordering them to apply for residency in third countries. ICE officers know very well that third countries are not clamoring to accept people who we want to deport, so essentially, this is a pointless exercise. When my clients are in this situation, I advise them to comply with ICE's demands, and eventually (usually), ICE will leave you alone.

    CAT relief is certainly better than being deported to a country where you face torture. But for many people, it does not offer the security and stability of asylum. I view CAT as a last resort. We try to get something better for our clients, but we are glad it is available when all else fails.

    Originally posted on the Asylumist: www.Asylumist.com.
    Tags: asylum, cat, torture Add / Edit Tags
  4. The Prevalence of Evidence

    If the asylum seeker's affidavit is the heart of her application, evidence might be considered the lungs: It provides the oxygen that allows the heart to function. Or maybe anatomical analogies are just weird. The point is, evidence in support of an asylum application is crucial to the application's success. But what is evidence? And what happens if you can't get it?


    An asylum attorney prepares to file evidence in his case.


    Let's start with a bit about the law. The REAL ID Act of 2005 provides--
    The testimony of the applicant may be sufficient to sustain the applicant's burden without corroboration, but only if the applicant satisfies the trier of fact that the applicant's testimony is credible, is persuasive, and refers to specific facts sufficient to demonstrate that the applicant is a refugee. In determining whether the applicant has met the applicant's burden, the trier of fact may weigh the credible testimony along with other evidence of record. Where the trier of fact determines that the applicant should provide evidence that corroborates otherwise credible testimony, such evidence must be provided unless the applicant does not have the evidence and cannot reasonably obtain the evidence.

    See
    INA 208(b)(1)(B) (emphasis added). In other words, if you claim that something happened (you were unlawfully detained), you are required to provide evidence about it (a police document), and if you are unable to provide such evidence, you should be prepared to explain why you could not get the evidence (maybe the police in your country don't issue receipts for illegally arresting people).

    What this means is that you should try to get evidence supporting your case. Different lawyers may have different views on this, but I think you should get evidence for every claim you make in your affidavit and I-589. That includes evidence not directly related to the asylum claims, such as evidence of education, employment, awards and certificates, membership in organizations and religious institutions, travel to third countries, documents used to obtain your U.S. visa(s), birth certificates for you and your immediate family members, all passports for you and your immediate family members, marriage and divorce documents, national ID cards, military service records, arrest records, and general medical records. In other words, evidence about who you are and what you've been doing with your life.

    Of course, you also need to get evidence related to your asylum claim. So if you were arrested, harmed or threatened, get evidence about what happened: Police and court documents, medical records and photos of injuries/scars, copies of any threats. If your case involves political activity in your country or elsewhere (including the U.S.), get party membership cards, receipts, letters from the party, and photos at political events. If it is a religious case, get evidence of your religion: Letters from church leaders and/or members, photos at religious events, certificates, membership documents, and government IDs, which sometimes list religion. If the case is based on nationality, ethnicity or race, get evidence that you belong to the group in question, such as identity documents.

    For people claiming asylum based on membership in a particular social group ("PSG"), the evidence needed depends on the group. For LGBT cases, get evidence of sexual orientation, such as membership in gay rights groups and evidence of past relationships. If your PSG involves family members, get evidence of familial relationships--birth and marriage certificates, photos, and other family documents, including evidence that other members of your family were harmed or threatened. If you have a domestic violence case, get evidence of the relationship (marriage certificate, birth certificates of children, photos together, other documentation that you were in a relationship) and of the harm.

    If there are newspaper or magazine articles, country reports or human rights reports--or even blog posts or Facebook posts--that support your asylum claim, include those. If you are using a newspaper or magazine, make sure to include the cover page of the newspaper, and the entire article. If you are using an on-line resource, make sure to include the website address.

    You should also get letters from family members, friends, and colleagues who can attest to your problems (I've posted about how to write a good letter here). In many cases, it is impossible to get direct evidence of harm, and so letters from people attesting to your problems is all that you can get. While letters from family members and friends are not as valuable as more direct evidence, they are still valuable, and we always include such letters if we can get them.

    Some people have scars or other evidence of physical harm (including FGM). In such cases, you should get a forensic medical report to help bolster your claim about how you received the scar (in other words, that the scar was caused by torture as opposed to a car accident or disease). Of course, the doctors who write such reports do not know for sure how you received a particular scar. But they can state that the scar is consistent with your explanation of how it was received. If you cannot afford a forensic exam (or find a doctor to do the exam pro bono), at least take photos of the scars and include them with your evidence. Normally, we have our clients take a close-up of the scar and also a photo from further away, so we can see the person's face (so we know the scar is on that particular person's body).

    We also sometimes submit other types of expert reports. The most common are psychological reports (that indicate PTSD, for example). In my opinion, the most effective reports are the ones created in the course of treatment. The less effective reports are created after one or two meetings with the asylum seeker, and were clearly created for purposes of the asylum case. Sometimes, we also use expert reports related to country conditions, though these days, we can usually find what we need on the internet.

    If any of your close family members applied for or received asylum, refugee or other humanitarian status (including SIV status) in the U.S. or abroad, try to get evidence of that status. In general, it is very helpful to show that other family members, who are often similarly situated, have been persecuted or have already received asylum. Indeed, we recently did a case in Texas where our client's close family members all had SIV status (meaning that the U.S. government determined those family members faced a threat in the home country due to their cooperation with the U.S.). This evidence alone was enough to convince the Judge to grant asylum to our client.

    You should also submit country condition information. Some lawyers submits lots of country condition information. I am not one of those lawyers. I think that redundant reports are counterproductive and distracting. It is standard procedure to submit the U.S. State Department Report on Human Rights Practices (or at least an excerpt of the relevant portions). Also, if applicable, we submit the State Department Report on International Religious Freedom. If those reports are not sufficient, we submits reports from other credible organizations, like Human Rights Watch or Amnesty International. There are also lots of issue-specific reports from groups like the Committee to Protect Journalists, Doctors Without Borders, and International Christian Concern, to name a few. If there are news articles from credible sources, we submit those too (if they are relevant and not redundant). Finally, if there are specific articles or reports from less-reliable sources that speak directly to the issues in the case, we submit those as well.

    Of course, any documents not in English need to be properly translated.

    Finally, it is important to review all the evidence to ensure that it is consistent with your statement and with the other evidence submitted (for example, if your statement says that you lived in a red house, your witness letters should not say that you lived in a blue house). Inconsistent evidence can lead to a determination that you are not credible, so be careful about this.

    The evidence for each applicant is case specific. If you have an attorney, one of the attorney's jobs is to evaluate your case and determine what evidence is helpful. If you do not have an attorney, you should still do your best to obtain as much evidence as possible. This will help increase your chances for a successful outcome.

    Originally posted on the Asylumist: www.Asylumist.com.
    Tags: asylum, evidence Add / Edit Tags
  5. Debating the Immigration Debate

    My law partner and I are adjunct professors at GW Law School, where we teach Asylum and Refugee Law (yes, we are basically one-trick ponies). This week, we learned that a scheduled debate called "Immigration 2018: Words Matter" was effectively canceled after one of the panelists was dis-invited due to his affiliation with the Center for Immigration Studies ("CIS"), an organization that some consider a hate group.



    Andrew Arthur: Master debater

    The event was billed as a "debate on the words used in the immigration debate." Panelists were to discuss "words and phrases like maras, chain migration, criminal alien, and others." The controversial panelist was Andrew Arthur, a Resident Fellow at CIS, and a former Immigration Judge (and a GW alum). However, Judge Arthur's association with CIS proved controversial and ultimately led to the dis-invitation.

    I can't really discuss the situation at GW, as I don't know all the details. Instead, I want to talk more generally about why it is so important for immigrant advocates to engage with groups like CIS.

    Let's start with the organization itself. CIS bills itself as "low-immigration, pro-immigrant." It wants to restrict the number of foreigners we allow into the United States. In contrast, the Southern Poverty Law Center has labeled CIS an anti-immigrant hate group due to its founder's alleged ties to white supremacists and because it circulates writings by supposed white nationalists and anti-Semites.

    As you might guess, I'm not a huge fan of CIS either, and I have found some of their writers to be intellectually dishonest and needlessly divisive (though at least one of their writers thinks I'm a babe, which is quite flattering). However, my overall observation of the organization is that it is making important contributions to the immigration debate, and that its policy positions are generally within the mainstream of our society (unfortunately). For these reasons, I believe CIS's viewpoints deserve serious attention from those of us who care about immigration policy. Also, I'm skeptical of the SPLC's designation of CIS as a hate group. While I support the SPLC and believe it does vital work, I think designating CIS as a hate group is a stretch.

    Further, even if you have a lower tolerance for hate than me, and you believe CIS is a hate group, that does not seem a good enough reason to exclude its writers from the immigration debate. CIS is in-like-Flynn with the current Administration, and so its views really can't be ignored. Also, there are many Americans---including many in the main stream media--who do not view CIS as a hate group, and who pay attention to its opinions. Thus, we need to listen to the organization's views in order to better understand people who seek to restrict immigration.

    I'm not arguing that we need to engage with all individuals or groups that seem hateful. Some people are simply beyond the pale (David Duke, Richard Spencer) or exist merely to provoke reactions rather than advance any real policy agenda (Ann Coulter, Milo Yiannopoulos). Such people have little to contribute to any real discussion on immigration (or anything else), and exist mostly just to promote themselves. Giving them a platform is not productive. But that's not CIS, and when we fail to engage with legitimate and/or influential organizations, the quality of our national debate is diminished.

    There are other reasons to engage with CIS as well. For one, when we fail to engage, we effectively abandon the field to the opposition. While it may seem a principled stand to refuse to debate with a "hate group," that's not how the majority of Americans--who only pay periodic attention to immigration issues--will interpret the situation.

    Indeed, we need to be present when groups like CIS distort the facts, which they sometimes do, and we also need to articulate alternatives to their restrictionist policy proposals. We cannot correct the record or advocate for our own vision unless we are part of the conversation.

    There's also the matter of scoring political points. While I dislike the sophistry of cheap "point scoring" in our political debates, this is still part of the equation. Dis-inviting a group like CIS only plays into the organization's hands. What will they and their allies say about a dis-invitation? Frankly, it doesn't look good, and it tends to bolster right-wing tropes about "snowflakes" and "PC campus culture."

    Finally, there's the issue of safety. Some people (immigrants, for example) might feel targeted by CIS, and perhaps this is a reason to avoid engagement with the organization. In fact, CIS does target immigrants in its policy proposals (the "pro-immigrant" part of its mission statement notwithstanding), and so there is some justification for this concern. But in my opinion, individuals who feel targeted by CIS need to understand the organization's policy positions so that they can help refute those positions. Such individuals also need to explain to CIS how its work hurts real life people. Another aspect of this is that many of CIS's proposals would harm the weakest members of our society, and so we need to engage with the organization in order to stand up when defenseless people are bullied.

    In the end, I don't think we have anything to fear from engaging with CIS. We "pro-immigrant" advocates largely have logic, humanity, and American values on our side. The hard work lies in engaging with those who disagree with us, and hopefully moving our nation in a better direction.

    Originally posted on the Asylumist: www.Asylumist.com.
    Tags: cis, immigration Add / Edit Tags
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